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But Van Riebeeck was also made on the Grand Parade and in resistance newspapers. The forms of opposition that emerged were an integral part of the making of the festival and the Van Riebeeck icon.

In the narrative that was constructed, both by those seeking to establish apartheid and those who sought to challenge it, Van Riebeeck represented the spirit of apartheid and the beginnings of white domination.

Popular historical products from the late s and early s, which at times draw upon radical historiography, are also located in this tradition.

It still occupies this position in virtually all expressions of South African public history and has not, as yet, been written out of the script.

Van Riebeeck continues to watch over South Africa, its future and its unsettled past. Through analyzing tourism sites, narratives, and routes, and providing a genealogy of these, we began the process of showing how destinations and their histories were produced.

The first was that we wanted to place a history of South African tourism in a much wider framework of a visual economy of Africa as a destination.

Hence we think about the assignation of routes and the imaging of sites as part of the demarcation of Africa into a series of distinct tourist zones.

In our analyses of the ways that South African tourism attempted to reimage itself as a cultural encounter, it was the movement through the constructed spaces of cultural villages, township tours, and themed environments that mattered.

District Six, Cape Town, circa Great Zimbabwe soapstone bird, Ratanga Junction Theme Park, 10 October The tourists themselves are positioned as independent travelers who are then directed along well-worn routes.

Africa was mapped into three distinct zones of European imagination for the emerging tourist trade. Europe was, however, still at hand to ensure the security and comfort of the tourist.

Although the definition of Africanness and what is constituted as a renaissance are an arena for considerable debate, the conviction is to create images that repudiate the stereotypes of backwardness and primitiveness.

There are two components to this cultural specialization. The one is the location of South Africa as essentially African, with a search for a set of African images, where Africa has become a signature and a design style.

This chapter examines this concentration on culture and asks whether this constitutes a fundamental shift in the way that memories of South Africa are being produced in the tourist gaze.

The cultural village is fast consolidating itself as a new genre of cultural museum, incorporating the previously marginalized into the tourist route.

While these sites are mainly directed at international visitors, their constellation of images are implicated in the construction of national memory.

At Ratanga Junction, where the postcolonial slips easily back into the colonial, tourist images are brought home on a colossal scale.

These take the form of shops, markets, and roadside stalls, where curio crafts, sometimes made by local communities, are commoditized and sold.

A past-present relationship is established through the gaze on human culture scripted as traditional and designed as authentic, where the visitor can encounter the carefully rehearsed performance of indigenous knowledge.

In Kwazulu-Natal, cultural villages have a long genealogy. Not only is Lesedi in easy reach of Johannesburg, but like Dumazulu it offers a range of ethnic experiences.

The essence of the cultural productions is to reproduce dominant media images of Africa as composed of distinct tribal entities and a general rhythmic character.

Each village reproduces a specific ethnic stereotype that has its genealogy in colonial encounters, the creation of administrative tribal units, and displays in imperial exhibitions across Europe in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Yet, for all these ethnic characterizations, there is a common imagery of music and dance, that, without exception, the villages offer as the highlight of the tourist encounter.

Before the concept of tourism was impossible for black people in South Africa. The notion of a journey was usually one associated with migrant labor.

It is the visit to the cultural locality that is presented in the press as a way to know oneself and to learn about the other and so become a nation.

A discursive framework of indigenous culture has emerged in which the wider tourist gaze forms the basis of the relationship between the community, its heritage, and its possibilities for development.

Tourist routes, curio outlets, game lodges, and living museums have all been suggested as the passport to community development. In , the southern Kalahari land claim based itself indirectly on the ethnological and anthropometric research conducted in by a team of University of the Witwatersrand anthropologists and linguists in preparation for the Empire Exhibition.

The successful land settlement won by the Makuleke community in the Northern Province in respect of Pafuri, the far northern region of the Kruger National Park, was equally based on a group claim.

Since its first emergence at Skansen in Sweden in the s, the living museum has presented the nation in microcosm through the live performance of folk culture in an open air setting.

Nevertheless, the urban edges of South Africa are traversed by routes and pathways in which life is put on show and scripted into a special genre of the township tour.

These three elements invariably form part of each township tour in a variety of permutations and with differing emphases. Soweto is the location of what is perhaps the crowning achievement of all township tours.

On to this legacy of repression and resistance, Soweto tourism has grafted a sense of cultural Africanness.

In an aesthetic genre constructed by older trade circuits in ceremonial African art and artefacts, as well as by ideas of functionality, decorativeness, and domesticity long unchanged, the township tour meets the expectation for African craft.

To authenticate the craft as traditional, the craft center has to ensure that the producers appear as local and indigenous, and the items produced appear as handmade and make use of local knowledge and skills.

In Grahamstown, tourist demand for craft resulted in a search for tradition among township residents. Tourists are taken to racially designated separate townships and shown how buffers were created between them.

In these townships, they meet members of the community spearheading development projects, are given an escorted field trip to sites where young guerillas fought heroic battles against the apartheid state, and are shown where laborers were confined to single-sex barracks in dormitory townships.

Premised on a notion of prior unity, the tour poses questions about successive attempts at racial division and social engineering. If township tours tend to reflect the dominant discourses in society, then the contours and detours mapped by Western Cape Action Tours offer the possibility of creating forms of social knowledge that move beyond these constructions.

The Wildest Place in Africa: Ratanga Junction While the cultural village and the township tour are presented in the tourist universe as the regions of authenticity and surrogates of the real, the space of fantasy, fun, and the nonreal belongs to the theme park.

As in the cultural village and the township tour, impressions of Africa constitute the driving theme of the Ratanga experience, creating a memory of having visited an African place.

In order to journey across the imperial bridge into Ratanga Junction and to be permitted to pass beyond the guardhouse, one has to purchase a visa.

These are undoubtedly the main attractions of the wild. The original name of Busch Gardens was Busch Gardens: Africa: The Dark Continent,73 and although it has changed its name in the s, it is still the image of the Dark Continent that pervades the park.

It is the symbol of colonial modernity, the Trans-Veldt Railroad, that takes one between stations of the colonial outposts to embark on another adventure: from Nairobi across the Serengeti Plain to the Congo, onto Stanleyville passing the orangutans, and returning to Nairobi via Timbuktu and its German beerhall.

Ratanga Junction has some way to go before it can begin to match Busch Gardens, but it is evident that its vision of Africa and its history follows a similar trend.

There is a relative lack of narrative continuity between the different sites in Ratanga Junction. In addition, there seems to be an absence of explicit, authentic markers and signifiers, located in real time and space, such as museums, or any association with known individuals or events.

The experience of Ratanga thus places the emphasis on consumption, giving the impression that the depictions are purely marketing ploys, which have little or no association with the real world.

Secondly, Ratanga Junction represents a translocation of imagined and not imaginary pasts of Africa into a real space, which one can see, partake of, and domesticate.

Finally, the theme park presents itself as more than mere fantasy. The opportunity to go ahead with the project arose in when it joined forces with the property developer ILCO Homes.

This land, from which people had been removed under apartheid, had been purchased by ILCO Homes in Keith Watkins and Martin Wragge, who were Monex shareholders, later procured this company.

On the basis of quite narrowly defined economic criteria, the theme park idea was seen as one that would be a major earner.

Despite costing in the range of R million,84 the development benefited from the recessionary climate in South Africa at the time, which seemed to be an ideal moment to build a theme park.

Instead the indigenes are animals named into a constructed tropical landscape of danger and peril. This precolonial time is almost timeless, a time of the ancients, tradition, primal fear, and snake-infested caves.

Moving into the colonial past of Ratanga Junction it is the signifiers of colonial modernity that reign supreme. Colonial officials can drive in convoys, drink at the officers club, and dine in the ROC drawing room.

The site that has been on the receiving end of such colonial visions, perhaps more than all others, is Great Zimbabwe. What was certain in this colonial imaginary was that its Africanness was not indigenous, creating a sense of compatibility for later processes of conquest and colonization.

What is the science of cultivating gardens? Name two types of water birds found at Ratanga Junction? Yet, it is the colonial vision of the exotic and primitive Africa, which ironically was promoted through photographic images in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, that provides an unquestioned ubiquitous thematic background to this supposedly scientific future.

This is the historical setting for a commercial venture that is all about fun and excitement. A free day at the theme park for the winning school.

All schools that submit one completed competition entry form for every ten pupils at the school will be entitled to half-price entry to Ratanga Junction.

Monex headline earnings dropped by some 63 percent between March and September primarily because the theme park, with some , visitors over this period, operated at a loss of R This is not a place that encourages contemplation.

The African holiday backdrop falls between a South Africa whose African images are still rooted in the colonial paradigm and the early South African intonations of the African renaissance.

While these two tendencies seem to be diametrically opposed, at Ratanga Junction they merge together in the image of the wildest place in Africa.

Memories of Africa in the Time of the Renaissance In colonial Africa, the administration of subject people was often framed in a nativist discourse of the primitive arranged in distinct ethnic units.

An advertisement for the South African Electricity Supply Commission Eskom appeared on SABC television in Aboard a luxury bus driving through a seemingly deserted countryside is a group of American tourists.

Suddenly they spot a hut with painted murals that signify it as Ndebele. The bus screeches to a halt, allowing the tourists to disembark and acquire their piece of much valued Ndebele culture.

After negotiating the price of the pots, the tourists extol the traditional authentic virtues of their purchases.

They board their bus well-satisfied that they have acquired a piece of Africa, unmistakably authentic, at a bargain price.

The Ndebele women, who had made the sales to the tourists in a seemingly unsophisticated manner, then disappears into the hut.

There, inside the hut, is an electrically powered industrialized assembly line, operated by knowing workers. The workers together with the vendor laugh gleefully at the accomplishment of their success in manufacturing and selling tradition.

After a short run this advertisement disappeared from the television screens. One wonders why? He decided to use the opportunity to devise a research project on the northern Cape and its representation in museums and called upon us and graduate student Michael Abrahams to participate.

Our role as public historians was to analyze the ways that the new exhibitions were being conceptualized, to draw comparisons with what was happening in other museums, and to offer advice on the museological approaches they were adopting.

The talk we gave in was in effect our report back to the McGregor Museum. We have decided to keep the essay largely as it was presented not only to offer it as a critique of museum transformation in South Africa at the time but also to indicate how the ideas and research opened up ways for us as public historians to become part of the knowledge transactions that were taking place in and around the institution of the museum.

One of the major outcomes of the project was an investigation by Martin Legassick and Ciraj Rassool into the origins of the modern South African museum through the collection of human remains at the beginning of the twentieth century.

This book led to a major debate in museum circles, with responses ranging from those advocating that these remains be kept in museums so as to further scientific enquiry, to those who argued for some form of repatriation and burial.

Through the research and intervention of Legassick and Rassool, the bodies of Trooi and Klass Pienaar were returned to South Africa and buried in Kuruman on August 12, The event and the repatriation process was significant in that it brought into question the future of museums that traditionally derive their authority from the acquisition and holding of collections.

What this and many other instances of repatriation have done is question that authority and museum claims to trusteeship and knowledge.

We have decided to include this example because concepts emanating from the Mayibuye Centre for History and Culture in South Africa at the University of the Western Cape, which developed this exhibition, were key in shaping new museum ideas and policies in South Africa in the s.

Ancestors, McGregor Museum, Kimberley, 27 October Miscast Exhibition 1, South African National Gallery, 29 August Miscast Exhibition 2, South African National Gallery, 29 August Communal cells, Robben Island Museum, 11 November Robert Sobukwe House exhibition, Robben Island Museum, 11 November Faced with the difficulty of creating a new nation, the people become citizens who are asked to turn their backs on the past and begin afresh.

Yet, in looking forward, the past is selected for the nation and recast as a heritage that was once suppressed and is now being recovered.

Museums as sites for the visual management of the past have become important signifiers in the unfolding of this discourse of a newly rediscovered heritage.

While museums remain largely confined to a set of enclosed buildings that are visited by a select few, they present the possibility of changes in the domain of visualising society.

At the South African Museum in Cape Town there are notices in the African Cultures Gallery questioning the use of static ethnic categories. These three museum spaces have been sites of new exhibitions laying claim to effecting processes of transformation.

The National Gallery, which has become part of the national flagship of museums in Cape Town, has begun to position itself as a museum of art and history, recovering the heritage of different cultures.

While in Kimberley, the McGregor Museum, entrusted with the heritage of the Northern Cape province, has set itself the task of adding black personages to its well-established pantheon of important local leaders, and inserting black history into a well-worn narrative through a search for ancestors.

The key discourse that shapes collections management policy and exhibitions at this time of transformation is the discourse of diversity, in which culture is largely cast as ethnicity, and South African society is seen as multicultural and, by implication, multiethnic.

This chapter asks whether the claims made by these institutions to being new and transformatory might be premised on similar if not the same intellectual foundations of colonialism and apartheid.

Does the discourse of diversity leave the racial and ethnic categories of apartheid frozen and naturalized, thus suggesting more continuities with the past than a clear effort to break with the past?

The idea of a museum from and eventually on Robben Island seems to contain no opportunity of inhabiting such a legacy of ethnicity.

Robben Island prison was, after all, a place of incarceration of those who fought against the very idea of a divided South Africa marked by ethnic divisions.

Yet in its early intonations in exhibitions at the South African Museum3 and at the entrance to the Victoria and Alfred Waterfront it is struggling to locate itself outside and beyond a colonial past.

It is a past that marks Cape Town as being a gateway to Africa, both as a threshold and point of embarkation to a world that Cape Town and the exhibitions represent themselves as not part of.

This is Cape Town as Europe in Africa and the Waterfront as the site of departure. Not only do all these institutions and exhibitions claim to put transformation on display, but in all these instances a sense of museumness has been grafted on to spaces that contain prior identities and social forms.

The Castle, for over three centuries, was the home of the colonial administration and the military establishment at the Cape.

The South African National Gallery increasingly represents itself as a museum rather than an art gallery. The building housing the main collections and displays of the McGregor Museum was once a sanatorium.

The exhibition site at the Waterfront is in a small building that forms part of the office space in a petrol station.

Thus, far from simply being a process of filling in a blank landscape, museum transformation has entailed the creation of spaces of representation out of sites already extensively signed and mapped before.

Pasted by Vita award artist Kevin Brand, it replicates the photograph taken by Sam Nzima of two students conveying the body of Hector Petersen, arguably the first person to be fatally wounded by police gunfire during the Soweto revolt of Yet, in spite of its intentions, Fault Lines did not entirely provide the visual spectacle that opened up a proliferation of sites into apartheid pasts.

Much of the exhibition remained within a narrowly documentary view of the past, with the artists offering their interpretations of an already uncovered archive.

Perhaps things will now be better. The tiles often blended into the wall, making the image disappear. In spite of its inconsistencies, though, the exhibition possibly went further than any other in a museum to visualize the TRC in a public space.

It asserts itself foremost as a military stronghold with claims to a tradition of maintaining control in a past that, with seeming ease, incorporates both colonial rule and the National Defence Force of a new South Africa into a seamless whole.

This is a revisioning of history that most tourists encounter when they are led around the Castle with the officially appointed guides.

The other features of the exhibition were much less prominent. In the s, Sheik Yusuf was promoted as a malay Jan van Riebeeck. During the tercentenary festival, which celebrated three hundred years of European settlement, a special exhibit on malay arts and culture was held in the Castle.

This newly re-recovered past contained more than an echo of I. Very much in the vein of how academic historians would present their argument, the past that was presented to be recovered in [setting apart] was depicted as filling a gap in the prevailing interpretations of apartheid.

According to Judin, the documents in the open and upright glass panels were starkly visible and intended to confront the viewer. Running along the walled sides of the gallery were a set of television screens displaying oral testimonies and maps, voicing and charting the different racial constructions of the city.

Documents, testimonies, and maps all traced, in various ways, the mechanisms of racial segregation and apartheid in the city from the turn of the century to What emerged strongly from this section is the piecemeal and haphazard construction of apartheid, not by the monolithic state and its ideologues, but by a series of officials, administrators, ratepayers, and businessmen.

But the wide base of documentary sources and the notion that these were being uncovered for the first time tends to hide the process of selection and suggests that these are the documents of planning and spatial development.

But Judin explicitly did not intend to present a singular interpretation of spatial segregation. Aside from the basic headings on the glass file holders and a few overview paragraphs, Judin provided no prescriptive interpretation for the viewer to follow.

The appearance of the documents suspended between Perspex holders and the apparent randomness of their ordering suggests a possibility of constructing personal narratives for Cape Town residents and visitors, thus enabling them to interpret and write their own history.

Yet, despite the lack of obvious interpretive guidelines, [setting apart] was carefully constructed and not nearly as haphazard as it appeared.

In many respects the exhibition represented the official version and there was an unvoiced assumption that another, unofficial version existed somewhere else, a point underlined by the videos along the side of the gallery.

The videos were about the effects of apartheid on ordinary people and represented the voice of the oppressed. Instead of offering the possibility for a many-tracked uncovering of the past, by presenting history within these stark polarities the exhibition limited the range of interpretations to these dichotomous categories of the already recovered.

Included in a long list of exhibitions are Ezakwantu: Beadwork from the Eastern Cape; IGugu lamaNdebele: Pride of the Ndebele; Anne Frank in the World; Muslim Art in the Western Cape; District Six: Image and Representation; George Pemba: A Retrospective; and, perhaps most controversially, Miscast: Negotiating Khoisan History and Material Culture.

A similar process was instituted in the case of Ezakwantu, where Xhosa-speakers provided knowledge of beadmaking and uses of beadwork. There is always the danger, of course, that such processes of inclusion might occur on the basis of long established hierarchies of art and craft, and of assumed expert and perceived informant.

Yet these notions of culture that went on display at the National Gallery were profoundly ambiguous. In Igugu lamaNdebele, for instance, King Mayisha II Mabhoko and his royal household lent authority to a seamless unbroken line between the past and present of an invented tradition.

While the curator was keenly aware of a Ndebele arts and culture as a mid-twentieth century phenomenon, the linkages with royal authority defined Ndebele culture in static ethnic terms.

This was reinforced by the labelling of the objects on display. Objects formerly regarded as craft were now incorporated into a gallery space as art.

Nevertheless, objects continued to be labelled as ethnic products and not the work of specific artists because the gallery claimed it did not have access to this information.

From the outset, the curator, Pippa Skotnes, and the project were caught between these two contending intellectual projects: that of recovery of Khoisan agency and that which attempted to understand processes of bushmen construction.

This is noticeable in the choice of different subtitles for the exhibition and its catalogue. In the exhibition, the choice of subtitle was Negotiating Khoisan History and Material Culture, whereas the subtitle of the catalogue was Negotiating the Presence of the Bushmen.

At these events, both the represented and representor, who previously had only met in the field, now gathered cheek by jowl. These were opportunities for a variety of claims to be asserted on indigeneity, authenticity, culture, and land.

In the face of this barrage, the objectives of investigating the politics of knowledge were somewhat lost. The display itself contained elements that reflected these dual and sometimes conflicting objectives.

The diorama at SAM, constructed in the late s, depicts a hunter-gatherer scene from the nineteenth-century Karoo, in which body casts from twentieth-century farmworkers in the Northern Cape are inserted into an invented cultural world based on a painting by the artist Samuel Daniell.

In Miscast, the central exhibitionary space contained an installation of unpainted resin casts of farmworkers and prisoners.

These casts were made by James Drury in the same casting project as those used to make the painted plaster figures in the bushmen diorama in the South African Museum.

Through these displays a metaphorical bridge was to be constructed between SAM and the National Gallery, but the lack of explicit direct connections made this difficult to achieve.

SAM, for instance, made very little attempt to notify visitors to the diorama about Miscast, and the National Gallery in turn did not alert visitors to Miscast to make comparisons with the diorama.

Instead, Miscast in the gallery directed people to a collection of Kuru artworks on display at SAM, seemingly as just another bushmen exhibit.

An important opportunity to engage institutional boundaries and reevaluate museum classificatory systems was largely lost. While the politics of representation was a key element in Miscast, on the other hand it also searched desperately for evidence of Khoisan expression and agency.

In a series of cases surrounding the central exhibit, musical instruments and cultural apparel from the Kirby and Donald Bain collections were displayed.

Most of these cases bore the names of characters from a bushmen narrative that had been constructed through the philological and linguistic work of Wilhelm Bleek and Lucy Lloyd in the late nineteenth century.

Lucy Lloyd herself not only had her own cabinet but was accorded a special place in the exhibition with a large studio portrait photograph of her in a prominent position on the main wall.

Probably the one exhibition at the National Gallery that did confront the classificatory divisions directly was Face Value.

Instead of being told in a didactic manner about possible meanings, uses, and values of the heads, viewers could now almost literally shop around for meaning in the gallery.

The pressures to change the museum began in earnest after , when it was charged with the task of becoming a provincial flagship of the Northern Cape.

Not only was the McGregor Museum expected to take other museums in the province under its wing, but perhaps for the first time it was placed in a position of having to develop its own collections and exhibitions to depict all the people in the province.

Through this add-on method it intends to reach a much wider audience than its previously limited presentations allowed. This add-on approach to museum transformation has taken its most apparent form in the Frontiers exhibition that was opened during Situated at the rear of the museum, this exhibition draws on both archaeology and what is seen as new history to construct a racially inclusive past of the people of the Northern Cape.

Filling in these gaps has meant looking for new sets of facts, particularly about the precolonial past and subsequent interactions between people.

For the Frontiers exhibition, an academic historian, Martin Legassick from the UWC history department, was accorded an important role in finding, verifying, and authorizing facts of the past, which were then made ready for display.

In addition, there has been an attempt to display historical method and information on the work of historians, archaeologists, and missionary and travel writers.

This division of labor between separate groups of experts and the attention to the separate skills required in each stage has been a common curatorial practice in museums in South Africa.

Although there might be occasional meetings between the groups, they operate largely independently of each other.

The danger is that the codes and conventions for understanding and representing the past that have characterized museum practices throughout southern Africa for many years are taken as a fixed body of neutral knowledge.

There is the distinct possibility that the agenda for a new history on the part of the museum, and to which the academic historians are contributing, will be undermined.

In choosing to transform through the add-on method, the McGregor Museum has not fully grasped the opportunity to critically examine its own history of collecting, and to have this examination at the center of its exhibitionary work.

The museum remains characterized by a classificatory system in which the exhibitionary and ethnographic work of the adjacent Duggan Cronin Gallery formerly Bantu Gallery is considered to be separate from the historical activities in the sanatorium, despite sharing a common administrative structure.

The realist approach that seems to be common to the National Gallery and the sanatorium has resulted in a failure on the part of these institutions to historicize themselves and their collections, and to make their histories of collection as the center of their work.

This failure is also reflected in plans for an exhibition titled Ancestors that would accompany the Frontiers exhibition. Plans have been made for photographs from the Duggan Cronin Collection to be utilized in this exhibition as authentic depictions of precolonial San culture.

Used out of time, and with the subjects genericized into ethnic tribal essentialisms, violence is done to the potential for such a powerful collection to form the basis of an archive and museum on the history of ethnography and photography itself.

Only in this way will cultural collections and their history be taken seriously. More generally, it is deeply problematic for ethnographic photographs and cultural objects in ethnographic collections to continue to be used as reflections of pristine cultures outside of their processes of collection.

Put rather bluntly, this means that the museum is concerned about increasing the amount of black visitors that figures indicate is around 25 percent of total annual attendance.

Curated by a laboratory assistant at the McGregor Museum, Sephai Mngqolo, the exhibition consists of a series of photographs that Vusi Tukakhomo, journalist at the Diamond Fields Advertiser, took over fifteen years.

It is evident from the display that the museum has committed very little resources to the exhibition, and it is in an unfrequented location at the rear of the gallery.

Moreover, by placing the display in what is the ethnographic locale, visual narratives of African pasts are being set apart from historic change, the latter being primarily the reserve of the sanatorium of the McGregor Museum.

The Gateway Project planned to build an apartheid museum on the Waterfront and to provide an embarkation point for visitors to Robben Island.

On the perimeter of the exhibition are the storyboards from the Esiqithini: The Robben Island Exhibition that was mounted in the South African National Museum in , giving a timeline from before history began, moving across the thresholds of the past, to the present of the nation.

At the Van Riebeeck festival held in to commemorate and shore up notions of white settlement, dignitaries proceeded to the entrance of the Monumental Approach, where the prime minister [Dr.

To a greater or lesser extent these can be applied to museums that have responded to the rallying cry of transformation in South Africa in the s.

Management in some museums have been reluctant to institute change, and when change has been instituted it has not been discussed and filtered through the entire institution.

In this manner, museums are desperately trying to go out and find the community instead of defining their own communities and audiences.

From our observations it would seem that there are three additional factors to be considered in examining museum transformation in South Africa.

The first is one that concerns the space of museums. Museums are defined within specific spaces that relate to their uses in the past. This past can often limit the ability to change the displays and may even subvert the intentions of curators.

This was certainly the case in the South African National Gallery when the linkages with the South African Museum were not explicitly made in Miscast and the conversation with the diorama was barely audible.

The Castle of Good Hope has begun to use its space in a creative manner, but even here the imposing presence of the fortress does seem to bear upon the new displays.

In the case of the McGregor Museum there are a variety of possibilities in relation to the use of space. The new space that is being set aside for the Ancestors exhibition has to be seen in relation to other displays in the museum.

Moreover, there are clearly ways in which the sanatorium can enter into conversations with the other museums in the city, particularly those in close proximity like the Duggan Cronin Gallery.

And at the Caltex petrol station, the gateway to the Waterfront, there are possibilities of both opening up and closing entrances to new and different pasts.

At times the intention is clearly not to do this, but the search for authentic cultures and traditions often leads museums almost inadvertently along this path.

This pathway also has additional attractions because funding from the central and provincial governments for museums appears to be very limited.

In this scenario museums seem to be lured into presenting and displaying an ethnicized past and marketing it in order to raise sufficient funds to continue their existence.

For museums this is a very easy shift to make. New displays have become concerned with presenting a new set of facts, with historians often being called in to verify these.

As a maneuver toward inclusivity from a racially exclusive past, museums have become prospective champions of heritage in postapartheid South Africa, with history providing the knowledge authority.

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American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 71 4 , Bahr, D. Piman Shamanism and Staying Sickness. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. Balcazar, H. Cancer reduction in Mexican American women: The role of acculturation, education, and health risk factors.

Health Education Quarterly, 22 1 , Acculturation and family functioning are related to health risks among pregnant Mexican American women.

Behavioral Medicine, 27 2 , Reno: University of Nevada. Ballew C. High serum retinyl esters are not associated with reduced bone mineral density in the Third National Health And Nutrition Examination Survey, Ballow, C.

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New York: Ballentine Books. Bathe, O. Influence of Hispanic ethnicity on outcome after resection of carcinoma of the head of the pancreas.

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Journal of Social Psychology, , Burma, John. What is African pre- history? Our studies begin with the era called "prehistoric," meaning before the era known as "historic" meaning written records.

It is an important era. Mostly because it includes the very great majority of the total time on earth that humankind has spent developing basic human abilities and culture.

Agorsah ". The traditional "Stone Age" name comes from the stone tools. For the history of the continents, see History of the Americas.

The United States ranges from the Atlantic Ocean on the nation's east coast to the Pacific Ocean bordering the west, and also includes the state of Hawaii, a series of islands located.

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